Diary from Tbilisi: ‘Most of us really feel that is Georgia’s struggle too’

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A young woman walks past a Ukrainian flag draped over a wall
A Ukrainian flag on a Tbilisi avenue © Nicolo Vincenzo Malvestuto

The feverish warmth of the previous few months has lastly softened in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia. Alongside the Mtkvari river that slices via the town, the bushes, their leaves starting to curve, flutter in a weak night breeze.

On my means residence one night, I move a preferred restaurant with an indication pinned to the door asserting that patrons who don’t contemplate Russia an occupying power and Vladimir Putin a struggle felony shall be denied entry. The lettering has light a lot from the solar that it’s barely legible any extra, however I do know what it says. Indicators like these have been caught to doorways and home windows throughout Tbilisi since February.

Following the dramatic occasions of Ukraine’s counter-offensive in opposition to Russian forces, the temper in Tbilisi has begun to elevate. The resignation which pervaded the previous couple of months has been changed by cautious hope of what a Russian defeat in Ukraine would imply for Georgia and different post-Soviet nations victimised by Russia’s revanchist ambitions.

It has been welcome information after a number of tense weeks in Georgia. Final month, a Tbilisi bar got here below a Russian cyber assault after it denied entry to any Russian patrons who refused to signal a type denouncing the invasion of Ukraine. Dedaena Bar discovered itself quickly renamed “Denazification Bar” on Google with a hyperlink to the Kremlin’s web site.

The general public outcry has solely intensified with the rising situations of the letter Z — the Russian image of its struggle in Ukraine — noticed caught on vehicles or painted on balconies. In the meantime, the Georgian authorities has ended a lot of its help for Ukrainian refugees, leaving hundreds of Ukrainians with nowhere to go. With the struggle in Ukraine now in its seventh month, Georgia continues to be reeling.


I moved to Georgia two years in the past to check the piano at Tbilisi Conservatoire, embarking on what can be a shaky balancing act between an intense apply schedule and my work as a journalist. After an unintended decade away from taking part in, my return to the piano was a profound musical homecoming that reshaped my life and have become my important gateway for encountering Georgia and its historical past.

A young woman walks past a building where a banner in blue and yellow hangs from a balcony
A banner hanging from an condo in Tbilisi makes the occupant’s anti-Russian sentiments clear © Nicolo Vincenzo Malvestuto

My Georgian conservatoire instructor, the sort and good Manana Gotsiridze, has been a considerate information via the core piano repertoire and a bridge to Soviet musical historical past. Classes hardly ever move with out Manana summoning the knowledge of the legendary Soviet pianists who taught her, first in Tbilisi after which on the Moscow Conservatory. It’s all the time a thrill to know that eccentric insights from folks akin to the good Chopin interpreter Oleg Boshniakovich at the moment are being handed right down to me. (“Boshniakovich all the time stated that the key to taking part in Chopin is to think about all the things out of your shoulder to your fingernail is only one lengthy finger,” Manana as soon as instructed me.) 

In a means, the biography of Tbilisi Conservatoire’s piano division presents up a potted historical past of Georgia’s place as a Twentieth-century refuge for Russians. It additionally reveals us how a lot issues have modified. Simply earlier than the primary White Russians fleeing the 1917 revolution arrived in Tbilisi, commemorated pianist Heinrich Neuhaus, who taught a number of of the century’s most celebrated European and Soviet pianists, took up a educating put up on the conservatoire.

Later, within the Nineteen Thirties and ’40s, first escaping Stalin’s purges after which the second world struggle, plenty of piano luminaries, Sviatoslav Richter and Maria Yudina amongst them, got here to Georgia with hundreds of others from Moscow, the place they turned welcome regulars at artwork salons and in conservatoire lecture rooms.

The dazzling misfit Yudina, immortalised as “Stalin’s favorite pianist” in Armando Iannucci’s satire The Dying of Stalin, is in actual fact my great-grand-teacher: Yudina first taught future Georgian piano grande dame Vanda Shiukashvili, who later taught Manana. The legacy of those pianists is a part of why the piano division nonetheless presents such distinctive educating. With out them, Tbilisi Conservatoire would seemingly be a special place.

For the third time in a century, Tbilisi has once more turn into a spot for Russians fleeing their nation, however this time issues are very totally different. A Moscow Conservatoire instructor who as soon as gave me a lesson did not discover a harpsichord to practise on after arriving right here along with her household in March. As soon as it was revealed that she was Russian, any presents of an instrument had been rescinded. How far-off the tales of Twentieth-century non-public concert events and artwork salons between Russians and Georgians really feel now.


Within the days after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, two issues occurred in Georgia: nightly antiwar protests swept the streets of Tbilisi, and the Russians arrived. Georgia’s Institute for Improvement of Freedom of Data estimates that greater than 43,000 Russians have entered Georgia because the begin of the struggle in Ukraine. Causes for the Russian exodus differ — some folks have been so vocally antiwar that they’d be vulnerable to arrest in the event that they stayed in Russia. Others merely wish to keep away from the inconvenience of banking sanctions. Most are someplace in between.

In a metropolis like Tbilisi, with its compact centre and inhabitants of about 1,000,000, adjustments in demographics are shortly felt. The brand new Russians — largely digital nomads, younger households, twentysomethings with financial savings — turned a noticeable contingent of public life. Tbilisi all of a sudden felt fuller.

The backlash to the Russian arrival was rapid. Banners telling Russians to protest in opposition to the struggle as a substitute of partying began appearing on balconies. Russians struggled to search out Georgian landlords who would lease to them. To register for a checking account, they had been required to signal a loyalty pledge condemning the invasion of Ukraine. Even after that, accounts had been routinely denied anyway. Rumours, vindicated by confessions from Russian FSB recruits, circulated that Russian saboteurs and safety brokers had entered the nation within the chaos. Distrust was all over the place.

With nearly 20 per cent of their territory — South Ossetia and Abkhazia — occupied by Russian forces, it’s not unusual to listen to Georgians seek advice from Russia as their enemy. A ballot taken in March revealed that 87 per cent of Georgians contemplate the struggle in Ukraine to be Georgia’s struggle too. “In what different state of affairs do you hear of residents from an occupying nation looking for refuge within the very nation they’re occupying?” one pal instructed me incredulously over lunch.


Because the Ukrainian refugees began to reach in April, reporting on the fallout of the struggle in Georgia has typically been an expertise of jarring contrasts. The truth that Ukrainian refugees, most of whom arrived right here with nothing, are largely invisible in public life solely makes issues stranger. Buddies recurrently put up Fb fundraising drives for Ukrainians in Tbilisi, however lots of them inform me they’ve but to truly meet one among them.

The letter Z, image of help for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, typically seems graffitied on the town’s streets © Nicolo Vincenzo Malvestuto

With no border between Georgia and Ukraine, many of the arriving Ukrainians have fled besieged Mariupol and Kherson eastward into Russia earlier than crossing Georgia’s mountain border, bringing with them escape tales of appalling humiliation and tragedy. One night at a refugee centre I interviewed 49-year-old Evgeny, who instructed me how he walked coatless via the early April snow from Mariupol to Tbilisi after discovering his dad and mom’ charred our bodies of their condo, and his brother’s, riddled with shrapnel, within the backyard.

“I didn’t wish to let my brother go, so my neighbours let me deliver his corpse into the basement that night time,” he instructed me, in tears. “I buried all of them the subsequent day.”

The next morning, I met a just lately arrived 26-year-old Russian pupil, Zhenya, who was indignant in regards to the rumours he’d heard that Russians had been being turned away from nightclubs and instructed to protest in opposition to Putin as a substitute. “If dancing is my technique to get via laborious instances, why can’t I try this?” he stated. “Being denied it’s actually traumatising.” 


Georgia sits at a geopolitical crossroads and has normally discovered itself on the fringes, not the centre, of imperial ambitions. It adroitly maintained its personal id whereas absorbing simply sufficient from the dominant empire of the period — Ottoman, Persian, Russian and most just lately Soviet — to keep away from being razed utterly. The result’s a definite form of cosmopolitanism. However like elsewhere the world over, it’s susceptible to a rising nationalism.

A young woman sits playing a piano, while an older woman leans over her and points to the sheet music
Nadia Beard practises on the piano, guided by her instructor Manana Gotsiridze

Domestically, a sinister political environment is brewing. The ruling Georgian Dream social gathering, extensively thought of to be managed by its Kremlin-linked founding oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, is participating in a recreation of smoke and mirrors. With one hand it assures the inhabitants of its EU aspirations, however with the opposite it’s systematically dismantling Georgia’s democratic establishments and holding the door open to corruption. Georgians are ready with trepidation to see how the struggle in Ukraine shall be resolved. They know that, for a small nation that finds itself on the border with Russia and out of doors of worldwide alliances, the conclusion of this struggle can have an outsized impact on their future. Understandably, they’re afraid.

With the summer season holidays over, one afternoon I return to the conservatoire to see Manana and talk about a brand new repertoire for me to study this 12 months. Approaching the constructing, I’m wondering how lots of the pianists I can hear are newly arrived Ukrainian or Russian college students. From my vantage on the road, nonetheless, I can’t inform. I can solely hear music drifting out via the open home windows.

Nadia Beard is a journalist and pianist 

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